Data Collection and Analysis

Data for this study were obtained through an interview conducted over 4 weeks in July and August 2016. The first aim of the survey was to explore respondents’ knowledge and practice of traditional forest-related knowledge of KOBO (economic enterprise) forests and investigate their awareness of KOBO (economic enterprise) conservation culture, and forest allocation, benefit- sharing, and management practices in the KOBO community forest. Second, respondents’ perceptions of the KOBO (economic enterprise) and management practices of the KOBO (economic enterprise) were explored.

Participants and setting

The researcher interviewed all research participants that belongs to Sheka ethnic group and other clan leaders (Gebi tato) had identified as ”traditional forest-related knowledge experts,” i.e., persons recognized by the Sheka community as knowledgeable about traditional forest-related knowledge. Besides clan leaders (Gebi tato) and community elders of Sheka people, the study has used additional potential informants from governmental and non-governmental organizations (NGO). The researcher has got permission from both the government office and traditional committee lead by clan leaders (Gebi tato) association.

During identifying of informants’ clan leaders (Gebi tato) were consented to select research participants in providing an appropriate response to the research under investigation. Clan leaders (Gebi tato) and older men whose age is above 50 years and native Sheka ethnic are purposefully selected from members of the traditional committee. The inclusion of the research participant for the interview was based on the level of understanding of traditional forest-related knowledge of Sheka people, as judged by a traditional committee.

In each village, the cultural practice of forest management (KOBO) represented by a headman selected from among male adults; therefore, all females and younger males were purposefully excluded from the study. Younger men were not included in the interviews. This is mainly because the culture of forest conservation practices of Sheka people was forgotten for more than 30 years or longer. For this reason, only Clan leaders (Gebi tato) and older men whose age is above 50 years were purposefully selected.

The reason for the exclusion of female participants from the study is the cultural practice of forest management (KOBO) represented by a headman selected from among male adults only. The Clan leaders (Gebi tato) and older men had experience of forest conservation culture through traditional forest-related knowledge. Therefore, the likelihood of the information they provided mostly reliable. Other criteria that decide whether people who take part in the examination understudy are their readiness to be met and their accessibility while the interviewer was in the network.

All research participants were asked to review and sign a consent form before conducting full interviews. The consent form described the nature and purpose of the study. In the consent form, each informant was notified that their response to the research question entirely confidential and just individuals from the exploration group will approach the data. No data published in dissertations or journals will contain any information through which focus group discussion members may be identified, their anonymity is therefore ensured. In addition to this, the examination member may pull back from the investigation whenever they, along these lines, take an interest wilfully until the point that such time as they ask for something else.

Twenty participants volunteered for this study. This included ten Clan leaders (Gebi tato) and older men from Masha woreda and the remaining ten from Andracha woreda. All research participants were native Sheka ethnic and lived in the study area for more than 40 years and above. Clan leaders (Gebi tato) and older men were recruited from a member traditional committee that was facilitated by a traditional committee. All research participants were gathered for focus group discussions through appointment in advance this was facilitated by a traditional committee.

The most appropriate day was Saturday because it is a market day for both Masha and Andracha woreda and afternoon was the most convenient time for focus group discussion. This is due to after-market all the research participants may come to Clan leaders (Gebi tato) home. However, for an individual interview, the researcher uses the research participant own schedule and needs to travel to their home by appointment. All working hours and weekends were used for individual interviews.

With regard to their choice of the interview setting, in both woredas, all focus group research participants had their first interview at Clan leaders (Gebi tato) home but for an individual interview, the research participants preferred to be interviewed at their own home. Interviews with government and non-government organizations were held at their respective offices during working hours by appointment. The arrangement for research participant was done after giving them a brief introduction about the nature and purpose of the study. During the interview, apart from the researcher and the research participant, any other person was not allowed to enter the room, and the door could be closed until the interview was done.

Being a fluent Amharic and Shekinonoo speaker, the researcher took advantage of his bilingual skills and conducted the interview in either Amharic or Shekinonoo, depending on the preferences of the research participant. In order to gain more credibility by research participants, the principal investigator hire the co-researcher that is a native and first speaker of the Shekinonoo. The co-researcher was trained for three to four hours about the goals and rationale of the study and interview process and the interpreter’s role. The co-researcher helped in guiding the principal investigator by organizing the interview and transcribing the audio data.

A single interview lasted for one to two hours. The length of each meeting relied upon the lucidity and detail of the data that the examination member enthusiastically gave. In order to avoid interruptions and background noise, interviews were done in a closed room. Since the practice of forest conservation and management is a little bit older practice the researcher, needs to patiently listen to the research participant to recall that factual event (or story). Then, the researcher must listen to the research participant to complete their views and opinions on how was the culture and knowledge of Sheka people that could serve as forest conservation and management practices that are the key elements that need to be investigated.

Each informant was asked to discuss the factors that might cause the forest cover change in their village. The interview was less structured and open-ended. The aim was to let the research participant explain how the culture of KOBO was used to manage and conserve the Sheka forest and how they the research participant viewed the current expansion of investment agriculture in their village.

The respondent’s views on the interview and FGD were audio recorded. The audio recordings were converted to Amharic, written text data. In fact, there were research participants with whom the researcher conducted the interview and FGD in Shekinonoo as they preferred to be held in it even if they knew Amharic very well. Therefore, some of the audio records were converted into Shekinonoo written text. Then, the transcribed Shekinonoo and Amharic data were translated into English by the researcher and an experienced translator who was fluent in Amharic and Shekinonoo, in order to see its consistency.

Accordingly, the data were proven consistent. The translation was context-based. It prioritized content over form because it is unlikely to find a word for word concordance between the local languages and English. Hence, the translation was made by finding equivalent meanings that are rendered in word and deemed most appropriate in the English language. Finally, the translated English text data were analyzed and interpreted thematically.

Recruitment Process

Access in qualitative research refers to how a research investigator going to gain access to the people he needs to interview. For qualitative research that employs ethnographic methodology like this, it is heavily dependent on key informants (community leaders and clan leaders). The Sheka zone has organized a community leader and clan leader for consolidate the tradition of the Sheka people. For any research purpose, the information required in relation to the Sheka people’s tradition is obtained from community elders and clan leaders (Gebi tato). Accordingly, the zone administration allowed me to gain access to make interviews with community elders and clan leaders (Gebi tato).

This research employed criterion sampling for this study in line with an ethnographic methodology that examines the shared patterns of behavior, convictions, and dialect inside a social gathering, and to do this requires broadened times of perception by the researcher (Petty et al., 2011). Criterion sampling involves reviewing and studying ‘all cases that meet some predetermined criterion of importance’ (Patton, 2002, p. 238). To know the knowledge and practice of traditional forest-related knowledge, there must be explicit inclusion/exclusion criteria that include specifications for methodological rigor.

This required the direct participation of Sheka community elders and clan leaders were sought for recruitment in order to investigate their views on culture and practice on traditional forest-related knowledge. Recruitment of participants was required in order to document the traditional forest-related knowledge via semi-structured interviews. The inclusion criteria for this study were as follows:

1. Consenting community elders and clan leaders (Gebi tato) currently working in Sheka traditional committee. This ensured that all community elders and clan leaders (Gebi tato) participants once had traditional forest-related knowledge.

2. Consenting government officials who are currently working on environment, forest, and climate change in the Sheka zone

3. Consenting government officials who are currently working in the Sheka zone of the culture office

The study recruited participants from the community elders and clan leaders (Gebi to) currently working in Sheka traditional committee from the three zonal woreds (the largest administration unit zone). The study recruits three kebeles (Kebele is the smallest administrative unit of zone).

Sampling technique and data collection.

The study made used both qualitative and quantitative data. Quantitative data were collected through administration of questionnaires to the head of the household and interviews with key informants within the selected area. Qualitative data were collected through key informant interviews (KIIs) and focused group discussions (FGDs). The aim of the data collection was to analyze KOBO forest allocation, benefit-sharing, and management practices of Sheka people.

Data Analysis

Data obtained were analyzed using descriptive statistics and presented in tables, means, percentages and frequency. This was based on the information provided by the respondents. Furthermore, computer software, known as statistical package for social sciences (SPSS) version 21.0, was employed in analyzing the data.

The main objectives of this study is

Ethnographic analysis of KOBO forest allocation, benefit-sharing, and management practices of Sheka people.

Results

The traditional forest-related knowledge of Sheka people reflects knowledge about how to manage and use forests. The lives of the Sheka people almost all depend on the Sheka forest. The reason why the Sheka people call to Sheka forest as the life of the Sheka people is that the Sheka forest is the shelter, food, and sources of income for the Sheka people; therefore, the Sheka people totally rely on this forest for their livelihood and way of life. Sheka people dependency on the Sheka forest has made the people of Sheka create various techniques and strategies that are used to manage the Sheka forest. Locally, these forests are known as KOBO. This is clearly reflected in the KOBO forest conservation and management culture.

Large tracts of dense and well-protected patches of traditionally managed forests can still be seen in many parts of the Sheka zone. This can be attributed to the traditional forest-related knowledge and management practices of the Sheka people. Today, deforestation is one of the major environmental challenges affecting the world; however, the Sheka people through their indigenous knowledge of forest conservation strategies can sustainably manage the Sheka forest. The Sheka people have long been sustainably managing and conserving the Sheka forest by utilizing different procedures. Shockingly, these indigenous methods for normal asset administration and nearby adjustment techniques are ordinarily absent from scientific forest management and not archived. The KOBO culture demonstrates how the Sheka people through their indigenous culture can provide valuable, appropriate, and effective forest conservation strategies. Here under the results of the analysis of ”the KOBO culture” are explained in detail by considering key points. Forest allocation, benefit-sharing, and management practices in the KOBO community forest are key points to consider during interviews. Here under, the results of the analysis of “the KOBO community forest conservation culture” explained in detail by considering key points (Table 1).